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Transcript of the Prime Minister's Broadcast on the NHS Plan Friday 28 July 2000 The creation of the National Health Service back in 1948 lifted a massive worry from people's lives. For the first time, health care did not depend on wealth. Need, not ability to pay, was what mattered. Every family in Britain - and certainly mine - has its own reasons to thank the creators of the NHS and the expertise and dedication of its nurses and doctors. But while support for the NHS remains strong - and in particular for its founding principles - in recent years there's been increasing concern. Concern, for instance, about growing delays and patchy standards of care. About why health funding has not kept pace with other comparable countries. And these concerns, in turn, have fed fears about the very survival of the Health Service in the new century. I understand these fears but I don't share them. I believe the values and principles behind the Health Service are as relevant today as they were 50 years ago. But I also accept that only by renewing and modernising our health service fundamentally can we re-assure the country that the Health Service will continue to meet its health needs This has meant confronting two problems which have hamstrung the effectiveness of the Health Service over decades - chronic under-funding number one, and two, the shortcomings of a system designed really to meet the health needs and ambitions of 1948. We tackled the under funding first. Because we've taken steps as a government to restore stability to the economy, public finances being put back in shape and because we've created the conditions where there are now a million fewer people in benefit and a million more people in work the country can now afford the record - and sustained - investment that the NHS needs over the next few years. This year's Budget delivered an annual funding increase of more than 6% above inflation for those four years - twice the real-terms increase that the NHS has received over its history. But past lack of investment is not to blame for all the shortcomings in the Health Service. It can't explain for instance, why services in one hospital can be so much better than those in another in the same town. Indeed, sometimes the whole debate about shortage of money has helped mask other serious failures in the health service which risk wasting the extra investment that we now want to put in. So the challenge we laid down when we announced the extra money is that the Government would deliver the investment but the money had to be accompanied by modernisation and reform of the chronic system failures of the NHS. That's what the first ever National Plan for the NHS, published on Thursday, delivers. It's ambitious but it is realistic. Its a plan rooted in the experience of patients and thousands of front-line NHS staff, at every level and in every part of the country who have helped draw it up. I know, because I've had dozens of meetings with them over the last few months as I've worked to help draw this up. And together we've produced this plan for the future of our health service. It's a clear strategy, with sustained investment, to deliver real improvements for the patient. At every level, there will be radical change. And every reform will be driven by the goal of redesigning the NHS around the needs of the patient. We will tackle the shortage of staff through 7,500 more consultants and 20,000 extra nurses. And by recruiting more staff, removing unnecessary barriers between professions, modernising contracts for doctors and rewarding and encouraging excellence, we will improve the service for patients and end the culture of waiting in the Health Service. By 2004 patients will be able to see their GP within 48 hours. By 2005, the maximum waiting time for an out-patient appointment will be three months, for in-patients six months. By 2010 we will have 100 new hospital schemes. We will see modern matrons to ensure high standards on the wards Patients' champions in every hospital And a new agreement with the private sector so that we can use their spare beds and operating theatres for NHS patients where appropriate. There will also be a guarantee for patients whose surgery is cancelled at the last minute that the operation taking place quickly. Better care for patients at home so that they don't block beds unnecessarily and can recuperate better is also part of the plan. As is regular inspections of hospitals to ensure they are meeting new national standards on care and treatment In essence we are trying to reform and modernise every aspect of the Health Service. In addition we need to provide through the Health Service Dignity, security and independence in old age. It will take time, of course, to achieve all this. But a whole range of people who work in or value our health service believe it offers, this plan, a genuine opportunity to re-build the Health Service for the 21st century. If we meet this challenge - and this Government is determined we will - the health service will continue to be a source of pride and security for the people of this country for decades to come. ENDS 200705/13315

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."201111/161019

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAT THE SIGNING OF THE FAMILY SMOKING PREVENTIONAND TOBACCO CONTROL ACTTHE PRESIDENT: Please, everybody, have a seat -- have a seat. I am thrilled to be here for what is I think an extraordinary accomplishment by this Congress, a bill we're about to sign into law.I want to acknowledge a few of our special guests. First of all we've got the crew from the Campaign for Tobacco Free Kids: Eamon, Christopher, Sarah, and Hoai-Nam. (Applause.) We have our FDA Commissioner, Dr. Peggy Hamburg. (Applause.) We have our CDC Director, Tom Frieden. (Applause.) And we have just some extraordinary members of Congress here on stage: Senator Dodd, Senator Durbin, Senator Enzi, Senator Harkin, Senator Lautenberg, Representative Waxman, Representative Dingell, Representative Christensen, Representative Pallone, and Representative Platts -- all of whom did extraordinary work in helping to move this legislation forward. Please give them a big round of applause. (Applause.) I want to thank all of them.Now, there are three members of Congress that I have to especially thank: Representative Waxman, Representative Dodd, and -- excuse me -- (laughter) -- Senator Dodd --SENATOR DODD: Things are tough enough. (Laughter.)THE PRESIDENT: -- and most importantly, Senator Ted Kennedy -- (applause) -- who can't be here today.You know, the legislation I'm signing today represents change that's been decades in the making. Since at least the middle of the last century, we've known about the harmful and often deadly effects of tobacco products. More than 400,000 Americans now die of tobacco-related illnesses each year, making it the leading cause of preventable death in the ed States. More than 8 million Americans suffer from at least one serious illness caused by smoking. And these health problems cost us all more than 0 billion a year.What's even worse are the effects on our children. One out of every five children in our country are now current smokers by the time they leave high school. Think about that statistic: One out of every five children in our country are now current smokers by the time they leave high school. Each day, 1,000 young people under the age of 18 become new, regular, daily smokers. And almost 90 percent of all smokers began at or before their 18th birthday.I know -- I was one of these teenagers, and so I know how difficult it can be to break this habit when it's been with you for a long time. And I also know that kids today don't just start smoking for no reason. They're aggressively targeted as customers by the tobacco industry. They're exposed to a constant and insidious barrage of advertising where they live, where they learn, and where they play. Most insidiously, they are offered products with flavorings that mask the taste of tobacco and make it even more tempting.We've known about this for decades, but despite the best efforts and good progress made by so many leaders and advocates with us today, the tobacco industry and its special interest lobbying have generally won the day up on the Hill. When Henry Waxman first brought tobacco CEOs before Congress in 1994, they famously denied that tobacco was deadly, nicotine was addictive, or that their companies marketed to children. And they spent millions upon millions in lobbying and advertising to fight back every attempt to expose these denials as lies.Fifteen years later, their campaign has finally failed. Today, thanks to the work of Democrats and Republicans, health care and consumer advocates, the decades-long effort to protect our children from the harmful effects of tobacco has emerged victorious. Today, change has come to Washington. 06/75265

CqTZh[Tu87ACm59tsZ*5qQ.HS;But most of all, the Great Society is not a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. It is a challenge constantly renewed,beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.ZoZUMR,wIJTXKvKL6So I want to talk to you today about three places where we begin to build the Great Society -- in our cities, in our countryside, and in our classrooms.XxZ%rq.LcL7;-a+3|SMany of you will live to see the day, perhaps 50 years from now, when there will be 400 million Americans -- four-fifths of them in urban areas. In the remainder of this century urban population will double, city land will double, and we will have to build homes and highways and facilities equal to all those built since this country was first settled. So in the next 40 years we must re-build the entire urban ed States.Q_#tJ9mmsz+ZC.-yBv*3c-f8KJ,.AeAJjqeZSsD%gJp|)yPVhGJMHqhKl(EwEXhsb(164605

Only as free Europe unitedly marshals its strength can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultural heritage.自由的欧洲只有团结一致地调度自己的力量,再加上我们的帮助,才能有效地捍卫其精神与文化的遗产。eight Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be one and indivisible,八、我们感到,对自由的维护正如自由本身一样,乃是一个不可分割的整体,we hold all continents and peoples in equal regard and honor.因此我们对各大洲与各民族一视同仁和同等尊重。We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.对关于某一种族或某一民族在任何意义上低人一等或可以牺牲的暗示,我们都不接受。nine Respecting the ed Nations as the living sign of all peoples hope for peace, we shall strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force.九、我们尊重联合国,把它视为各个民族向往和平的活标志。我们要努力使联合国不单纯是一个雄辩的象征,而且成为一种有效的力量。And in our quest for an honorable peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.我们在寻求光荣的和平时,决不妥协,决不气馁,决不却步不前。 通过这些行动准则,我们希望得到各民族的理解。By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples.By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but a fact.只要遵守这些准则,一个和平的地球就不是幻想,而会成为现实。This hope—this supreme aspiration—must rule the way we live.这一希望——这一至高无上的抱负,应当主宰我们生活的方式。We must be y to dare all for our country. For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid.为了我们的祖国,我们必须做好准备以勇敢地面对一切艰难险阻,因为历史不可能长期把护卫自由的重任交给弱者和懦夫。We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose.我们必须精于防卫,并且展示坚忍不拔的毅力,We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us.无论是作为一个人还是作为国家,我们必须心甘情愿地做出可能需要我们做出的任何牺牲。A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.一个把自己的特权看得比原则还重的民族,就会很快将两者都丧失殆尽。These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living.这些基本的言行准则不是远离日常生活问题的玄虚而抽象的观念,They are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength.而是产生和规范我们物质力量之精神力量所奉行的法则。Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry.爱国主义意味着装备精良的军事力量和做好准备的民众,Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory.道德的力量意味着在工农业发展中表现出更充沛的精力和生产更多的产品,02/437505


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