明星资讯腾讯娱乐2018年01月21日 14:38:35
two Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement,二、我们既已认识到,无论从常识还是从一般的廉耻感来看,姑息绥靖都毫无益处,we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security.我们就决不会为了安抚侵略者而进行以荣誉换取安全这一虚伪而肮脏的交易。Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldiers pack is not so heavy a burden as a prisoners chains.美国人要记住,所有自由的人们也要记住,在最终的选择中,士兵的背包比囚徒的镣铐要轻得多。three Knowing that only a ed States that is strong and immensely productive can help defend freedom in our world,三、我们知道,只有一个强大和生产极为发达的美国,才有能力保卫我们这个世界的和平,we view our Nations strength and security as a trust upon which rests the hope of free men everywhere.因此在我们看来,我国的实力和安全乃是寄托着全球各地自由人们希望的可靠保障。It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and of every free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country before the comfort, the convenience of himself.我国的每一位自由公民和世界各地的自由公民,都负有责无旁贷的义务,要把国家的事置于个人的安逸和便利之上。four Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in the world,四、我们尊重世界各国的恃性和特殊的传统,we shall never use our strength to try to impress upon another people our own cherished political and economic institutions.因此我们决不应当借助自己的实力,把我们所珍爱的政治和经济制度强加给另一个民族。five Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friends of freedom,五、对于那些经过考验的自由的朋友们,we shall strive to help them to achieve their own security and well-being.我们会客观如实地评估他们的需要和能力,尽力帮助他们获得安全和幸福.Likewise, we shall count upon them to assume, within the limits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the common defense of freedom.同时,我们希望他们在力所能及的条件下,充分 而公正地担负起他们应尽的责任,共同捍卫自由。six Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of military strength and the free worlds peace,六、我们认识到,经济的健康发展乃是军事力量和自由世界的和平所不可缺少的基础,we shall strive to foster everywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies that encourage productivity and profitable trade.因此我们不仅要自己实行推动生产发展和促进贸易的政策,而且要在世界各地鼓励推广这样的政策。For the impoverishment of any single people in the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples.因为世界上任何一个民族的贫困,对所有其他民族的富裕都意 味着威胁。seven Appreciating that economic need, military security and political wisdom combine to suggest regional groupings of free peoples,七、我们觉得,经济需要、军事安全和政治开明三者结合起来,将会导致自由的人民进行地区性组合,we hope, within the framework of the ed Nations, to help strengthen such special bonds the world over.因此,我们希望在联合国的框架内,协助加强世界范围的这些特殊联系。The nature of these ties must vary with the different problems of different areas.这些纽带的性质,会因不同地区的不同问题而有所差别。In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all our neighbors in the work of perfecting a community of fraternal trust and common purpose.在西半球,我们满腔热情地与所有邻国共同努力,以使一个有着兄弟般的信任和 共同目标的联合体日臻完善。In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Western nations strive with renewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality.欧洲,我们要求那些胸襟开阔而又富于的西方国家领导人,以新的热情来实现各民族的团结。02/437502

Good Evening, my fellow Americans.Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace?Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the ed States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnsonrsquo;s war to become Nixonrsquo;s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnsonrsquo;s war becomes Nixonrsquo;s war. The great question is: How can we win Americarsquo;s peace?Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the ed States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnsonrsquo;s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the ed States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.For the ed States this first defeat in our nationrsquo;s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So wersquo;re going to stay there.President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the ed Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that wersquo;re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.Hanoirsquo;s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.I spoke directly in this office, where Irsquo;m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.;Dear Mr. President:;I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war.;I received Ho Chi Minhrsquo;s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that Irsquo;ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnamrsquo;s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, whorsquo;s at fault? Itrsquo;s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the ed States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other sidersquo;s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi rsquo;s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- wersquo;re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the ed States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.He said: ;When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, ed States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.;Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .First, the ed States will deep all of its treaty commitments.Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea and other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybodyrsquo;s business -- not just Americarsquo;s business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Lairdrsquo;s visit to Vietnam in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces.In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abramsrsquo;s orders so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies.Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam.After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home. By Dec. 15 over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces.The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they have been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year.And most important, ed States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all ed States combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable.This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which Irsquo;m sure you will understand. As Irsquo;ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the Paris talks.An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces.And Irsquo;m glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal.As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid.Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly. However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point.At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors.If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation.This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as commander in chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really have only two choices open to us if we want to end this war.I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action.Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamization, if necessary. A plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. For more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right.I recognize that some of my fellow Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. Honest and patriotic citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen.In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs ing, ;Lost in Vietnam, bring the boys home.;Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has as right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the ed States, I would be untrue to my oath of office to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street.For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people.If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned about this war.I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam.It is very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world.And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now wonrsquo;t matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now wonrsquo;t matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then wonrsquo;t matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion.Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world.Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace.I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate in Paris.Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the ed States. Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: ;This is the war to end wars.; His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this:I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace.As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.Thank you. /201205/182112

  Speaking from the White House, the President says the violence in Libya is "outrageous" and "unacceptable," and that his Administration is looking at the "full range of options we have to respond to this crisis." His full remarks below:Download Video: mp4 (53MB) | mp3 (5MB) 201102/126572


  mp4视频下载 Prepared Remarks of President Barack Obama Weekly AddressSaturday, April 4, In this new century, we live in a world that has grown smaller and more interconnected than at any time in history. Threats to our nation’s security and economy can no longer be kept at bay by oceans or by borders drawn on maps. The terrorists who struck our country on 9/11 plotted in Hamburg, trained in Kandahar and Karachi, and threaten countries across the globe. Cars in Boston and Beijing are melting ice caps in the Arctic that disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The theft of nuclear material from the former Soviet Union could lead to the extermination of any city on earth. And reckless speculation by bankers in New York and London has fueled a global recession that is inflicting pain on workers and families around the world and across America.The challenges of our time threaten the peace and prosperity of every single nation, and no one nation can meet them alone. That is why it is sometimes necessary for a President to travel abroad in order to protect and strengthen our nation here at home. That is what I have done this week.I began my trip by attending a summit of the G20 – the countries that represent the world’s largest economies – because we know that the success of America’s economy is inextricably linked to that of the global economy. If people in other countries cannot spend, that means they cannot buy the goods we produce here in America, which means more lost jobs and more families hurting. Just yesterday, we learned that we lost hundreds of thousands more jobs last month, adding to the millions we’ve lost since this recession began. And if we continue to let banks and other financial institutions around the world act recklessly and irresponsibly, that affects institutions here at home as credit dries up, and people can’t get loans to buy a home or car, to run a small business or pay for college.Ultimately, the only way out of a recession that is global in scope is with a response that is global in coordination. That is why I’m pleased that after two days of careful negotiation, the G20 nations have agreed on a series of unprecedented steps that I believe will be a turning point in our pursuit of a global economic recovery. All of us are now moving aggressively to get our banks lending again. All of us are working to spur growth and create jobs. And all of us have agreed on the most sweeping reform of our financial regulatory framework in a generation – reform that will help end the risky speculation and market abuses that have cost so many people so much.I also met this past week with the leaders of China and Russia, working to forge constructive relationships to address issues of common concern, while being frank with each other about where we disagree. President Hu and I agreed that the link between China’s economy and ours is of great mutual benefit, and we established a new Strategic and Economic Dialogue between the U.S. and China. President Medvedev and I discussed our shared commitment to a world without nuclear weapons, and we signed a declaration putting America and Russia on the path to a new treaty to further reduce our nuclear arsenals. Tomorrow, I will lay out additional steps we must take to secure the world’s loose nuclear materials and stop the sp of these deadly weapons.Finally, I met yesterday with our NATO allies and asked them for additional civilian support and assistance for our efforts in Afghanistan. That is where al Qaeda trains, plots, and threatens to launch their next attack. And that attack could occur in any nation, which means that every nation has a stake in ensuring that our mission in Afghanistan succeeds.As we have worked this week to find common ground and strengthen our alliances, we have not solved all of our problems. And we have not agreed on every point or every issue in every meeting. But we have made real and unprecedented progress – and will continue to do so in the weeks and months ahead.Because in the end, we recognize that no corner of the globe can wall itself off from the threats of the twenty-first century, or from the needs and concerns of fellow nations. The only way forward is through shared and persistent efforts to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time. And if we move forward with courage and resolve, I am confident that we will meet this challenge.Thank you.04/66330

  This is the only substantial dispute.这是唯一的实质性的争执.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced,perhaps,宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款,以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法律,在一个人民的道德观念并不持该法的,as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.社会里,它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度。The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.在两种情况下,绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务,但又都有少数人不听那一套。This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.关于这一点,我想,要彻底解决是根本不可能的;如果寸巴两个地区分离。以后,情况只会更坏。The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section,对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止,最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复;while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.对于逃亡奴隶,在另一个地区,现在送回的只是一部分,将来会完全不肯交出来了。Physically speaking, we can not separate.就自然条件而言,我们是不能分离的。We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开,也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙。A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.一对夫妻可以离婚,各走各的路,彼此再不见面,但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办。They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. 它们只能面对面相处,友好也罢,仇视也罢,他们仍必须彼此交往。Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before?我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后,比分离:之前更为有利,更为令,人满意吗?Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?难道在外人之间订立条约,比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易吗?Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends?难道在外人之间履行条约,比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实吗?Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting,就算你们决定。诉诸战争,你们,总不能永远打下去吧;最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时,你们停止战斗,the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.那时依照什么条件相互交往,这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了。This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.这个国家,连同它的各种机构,都属于居住在这里的人民。Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.任何时候,他们对现存政府感到厌倦了,他们可以行使他们的宪法权利,改革这个政府,或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它。I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.我当然知道,现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法。While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject,尽管我自己不会那么建议,我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利,to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.而且,在目前情况下,我不但不反对,而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动。I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves,我还不禁要补充一点,在我看来,采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些,这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出,instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose,而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案,and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的。I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution—which amendment, however, I have not seen—has passed Congress,我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到,但在国会中已经通过了,to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.大意说,联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度,包括那些应劳役者的问题。To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that,为了使我讲的话不致被误解,我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算,holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.明确声明,这样一个条款,既然现在可能列入宪法,我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文。02/436723As part of the explosion of Recovery Act projects this summer and as a move towards a clean energy future, the President announces nearly billion in conditional commitments to key solar companies. Learn more from the White House fact sheet.Download Video: mp4 (143MB) | mp3 (5MB)201007/108087PRESIDENT BUSH: It's been my honor to welcome to the Oval Office the President and First Lady of a close friend of the ed States. Mr. President, thank you for coming.   We've had a good discussion about a variety of issues. We discussed bilateral relations between Guatemala and the ed States, which are very strong. We are friends. We treat each other with respect. Our objective with U.S. foreign policy is to have a neighborhood that is peaceful and prosperous, where social justice is important; want to achieve social justice through good health policy, good education policy, good judicial policy. The ed States is pleased to help this government as best as we possibly can help the average citizen get a good education and have good health care.  We talked about how CAFTA is working. Exports to the ed States have increased; exports from the ed States have increased. And that's good. We talked about security and the need for the region -- Mexico, the ed States and the countries of Central America -- to fight drug trafficking. I told the President that we are working hard to reduce demand for drugs here in America. And at the same time, we want to work in conjunction with strong leaders to make sure these drug traffickers don't get a stronghold. And that's why it's very important for Congress to fund the Merida project.  We talked about the reforms that the government is instituting inside of Guatemala, including tax reform, and reform to make sure that people who break the law are held to account.  I was particularly pleased to note that the Guatemalan government and its leadership is promoting laws to make sure women are treated well and that violence against women is prosecuted.  And so -- and we're going to talk a little later on about the Millennium Challenge Account. And by the way, we talked about blueberries, and -- so that blueberries are able to come off-season here to the ed States, which is a positive development for Guatemalan farmers.  And finally, of course, the President brought up the issue of immigration. And he wanted to urge me to think about TPS -- TPS for citizens, as well as comprehensive immigration reform. I assured him that I will consider his request, and I assured him that I believe comprehensive immigration reform is in our nations' best interests.  And so we've had a good discussion, and right after this press availability, I'll be taking he and the First Lady to lunch. And I'm looking forward to serving them lunch, and I bet you're looking forward to eating lunch. Thanks for coming.  PRESIDENT COLOM: (As translated.) I want to thank President Bush for his hospitality. We've spent a couple of days working here, and we are very happy to hold this meeting, in which we have discussed strengthening our relationship -- an aly a strong relationship, in fact.  We discussed, as the President mentioned, the fight against drug trafficking. We are doing everything necessary to eliminate drug trafficking and drug traffickers from our territory. We discussed the issue of social investment. We have received support from USAID. We, our two countries, have common aims in this regard.  We also discussed the issue of our migrants. We brought up TPS with the President; we will be awaiting a response on that. We described our recent tax reform to the President; that is something we're starting in Guatemala because we need to ensure that we have the public funds to be able to carry out the reforms in the areas of social justice and others that we have discussed.  We want to express our appreciation for the support that we have received from the ed States to combat drug trafficking. Recently we received four helicopters; this has been extremely helpful to us. We've also achieved good success on this front with the recent cocaine seizures. In fact, an operation was just carried out last night; a very large one, very successful. And on that, we are working not just with the ed States but also with Mexico and the entire neighborhood in Central America, because all of us must be involved, as President Bush said, in order to combat that scourge at all levels.  And so we are very happy to be here and very happy to be moving forward. Thank you.  PRESIDENT BUSH: Gracias, sentilde;or. Thank you all.200806/41454

  It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe toward the Indian tribes within our limits a just and liberal policy,我真诚和长久地希望对在我们的限制之内的印第安部落奉行一个公正和宽容的政策。and to give that humane and considerate attention to their rights,and their wants which is consistent with the habits of our Government and the feelings of our people.并给予他们的权利和需要以人道和细致的关心。他们的需要是和我们政府的惯例和人民的感情相一致的。The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of Executive duties,最近的公众意愿显示在执政者的职责之中,in characters too legible to be overlooked,the task of reform,以清晰且不可忽略的字眼加上了改革的任务。which will require particularly the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the Federal Government into conflict with the freedom of elections,此任务特别要求纠正那些给联邦政府赞助与选举自由之间带来矛盾的恶习,and the counteraction of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment,以及抵消那些扰乱正当的任命程序和,and have placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands.把权力给予或保留在不忠之力之手中的因素。In the performance of a task thus generally delineated I shall endeavor to select men whose diligence,and talents在执行如此总体确定的任务时,我应该努力选择那些其勤奋和天资will insure in their respective stations able and faithful cooperation,将保在各自岗位上的得力和忠诚的合作的人们。depending for the advancement of the public service more on the integrity and zeal of the public officers than on their numbers.为了改进公众务,我们要更多依靠公务员的正直和热情而非他们的人数。A diffidence,perhaps too just,一种也许过于正当的,in my own qualifications will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors,关于我自己的任职资格的信心不足将教我以崇敬之心看齐我显赫的前任们留下的公共美德的楷模。and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system.以尊重之意面对那源自创立和改革我们体制的思想的光辉。The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the Government,同样的信心不足使我期望政府协调部门的指导和辅助,and for the indulgence and support of my fellow citizens generally.以及同胞们总体的宽容和持。And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy,并且坚定地依赖那神圣力量的恩赐,他的眷顾保护过我们国家的幼年时代,and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes,并从此在多次兴衰中保护我们的自由,encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of His divine care and gracious benediction.这鼓励我热情地请求他将继续把我们可爱的国家作为他神圣关切及和蔼祝福的对象。02/436184President Obama On Winning the Nobel Peace PrizeIn reacting to the news this morning that he had won the Nobel Peace Prize, the President struck a note of humility and recognized that the award was a nod to a vision of what is to come:THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning. After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, "Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday!" And then Sasha added, "Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up." So it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee. Let me be clear: I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations. To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honored by this prize -- men and women who've inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women, and all Americans, want to build -- a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents. And I know that throughout history, the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honor specific achievement; it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes. And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action -- a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st century. These challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation. And that's why my administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek. We cannot tolerate a world in which nuclear weapons sp to more nations and in which the terror of a nuclear holocaust endangers more people. And that's why we've begun to take concrete steps to pursue a world without nuclear weapons, because all nations have the right to pursue peaceful nuclear power, but all nations have the responsibility to demonstrate their peaceful intentions.We cannot accept the growing threat posed by climate change, which could forever damage the world that we pass on to our children -- sowing conflict and famine; destroying coastlines and emptying cities. And that's why all nations must now accept their share of responsibility for transforming the way that we use energy.We can't allow the differences between peoples to define the way that we see one another, and that's why we must pursue a new beginning among people of different faiths and races and religions; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect.And we must all do our part to resolve those conflicts that have caused so much pain and hardship over so many years, and that effort must include an unwavering commitment that finally realizes that the rights of all Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security in nations of their own.We can't accept a world in which more people are denied opportunity and dignity that all people yearn for -- the ability to get an education and make a decent living; the security that you won't have to live in fear of disease or violence without hope for the future.And even as we strive to seek a world in which conflicts are resolved peacefully and prosperity is widely shared, we have to confront the world as we know it today. I am the Commander-in-Chief of a country that's responsible for ending a war and working in another theater to confront a ruthless adversary that directly threatens the American people and our allies. I'm also aware that we are dealing with the impact of a global economic crisis that has left millions of Americans looking for work. These are concerns that I confront every day on behalf of the American people. Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency. Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime. But I know these challenges can be met so long as it's recognized that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone. This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration -- it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world. And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity -- for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets; for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy; for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away; and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometime their lives for the cause of peace. That has always been the cause of America. That's why the world has always looked to America. And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.10/86243

  In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete. Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand y to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the ed States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement. And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world. To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe. With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the ed States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of ed Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation. There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors. 201111/160427

  暂无音频President Bush Visits Troops in IraqTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you for coming out to say hello. General, thank you for the introduction, I am honored to be at Camp Victory. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: Laura and I have been having a lot of Christmas parties at the White House, so I thought it would be kind of neat to change the scenery. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: And I would rather be with the men and women of the ed States military than with anybody else. (Applause.) So as you can see I decided to fly over, and in the spirit of the season we renamed Air Force One to Rudolph One. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for coming. I bring greetings from a proud and grateful nation -- Merry Christmas to you, happy holidays. Congratulations on your inspiring accomplishments here in Iraq. And above all, thank you for volunteering to defend our country in a time of danger. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: This is a time of year to give thanks for our many blessings B- and the greatest blessing we have is freedom and the fact that we've got a ed States military to defend that freedom. So General, thank you very much for your leadership. I'm proud to be with you again. I appreciate the leadership of General Austin, as well. Ambassador Crocker and Christine are with us today. I had the pleasure of meeting Sergeant -- Command Sergeant Major Lawrence Wilson; Command Sergeant Major Joe Allen; Major General Hammond -- (applause) -- put it together for Hammond. (Laughter.) AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: Command Sergeant Major Gioia. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: Major General Oates. (Applause.) How about, have you ever heard of a guy named Redmore? (Applause.) Thanks for coming out. I am thrilled to be here with the diplomats, embassy personnel who are so critical to our success. I want to thank the Iraqi citizens who are here with us today. I appreciate your courage. I know there are members of the coalition who are here with us. There have been a lot of troops from around the world who have come to help this young democracy survive and thrive. And so I want to thank the citizens of those country [sic] and the troops who have served here before us. This is my fourth trip to Iraq -- and you've probably heard I'm heading into retirement -- (laughter) -- so it's going to be my last trip as the President. But thanks to you, the Iraq we stand in tonight is dramatically freer, dramatically safer, and dramatically better than the Iraq we found eight years ago. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: And as a result of the sacrifices of our troops, America is safer, and America is more secure. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: I want to take you back to what life was like eight years ago here in Iraq. Iraq had a record of supporting terror, a record of developing and using weapons of mass destruction, was routinely firing at American military personnel, systematically violating ed Nations resolution. Life for the Iraqi people was a nightmare, with Saddam Hussein torturing and murdering anyone who did not support his repressive rule. Iraq was a sworn enemy of the ed States at the heart of the Middle East; the region was a serious threat to the us. After the attacks of September the 11th, 2001, America concluded we could not tolerate a regime like this in a pivotal region of the world. I gave Saddam Hussein a chance to peacefully resolve the question as to whether or not he had weapons of mass destruction. You might remember, I went to the ed Nations, where a body said: disarm, disclose, or face serious consequence. It was his choice to make. And he made the wrong choice. And so the ed States military, with a vast coalition removed this man from power and the world is better off for it. (Applause.) AUDIENCE: USA! USA! USA! THE PRESIDENT: I doubt in his worst nightmares he ever would have dreamt that we'd be standing in one of his palaces. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: Thanks to you, 25 million Iraqis are free. Thanks to you, Iraq is no longer sponsoring terror -- it is fighting terror. It's making American people safer as a result. The enemies of freedom in Iraq are determined, and this fight has been tough. Two years ago, the situation had grown dire -- the political process was frozen and sectarian violence was spiraling out of control. Some of you were here then/ Many said the mission was hopeless; many called for retreat. Retreat would have meant failure -- and failure is never an option. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! THE PRESIDENT: So instead of pulling troops out, we sent more troops in -- called the surge. And because of you and because of your courage, the surge is one of the greatest successes in the history of the ed States military. AUDIENCE: Hoo-ah! 200812/58829。

  "So my question is," began a woman in the the backyard of John Nicholas and Nicole Armstrong, "I work for Fairfax County public schools, and I haven’t had a raise in two years and I may not even have a job next year -- because I hear it’s going to get worse before it’s going to get better. Do you agree with that? Like, I mean, I know it’s -- we’re starting to improve and jobs are starting to come back, but how long do you think this is going to take?"Read the Transcript | Download Video: mp4 (617MB) | mp3 (59MB)201009/114008

  FATHER’S DAY 2008June 15, 2008 | Apostolic Church of God | Chicago, IllinoisGood morning. It’s good to be home on this Father’s Day with my girls, and it’s an honor to spend some time with all of you today in the house of our Lord .At the end of the Sermon on the Mount , Jesus closes by saying, “Whoever hears these words of mine, and does them, shall be likened to a wise man who built his house upon a rock: and the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house, and it fell not, for it was founded upon a rock.” [Matthew 7:24–25]Here at Apostolic , you are blessed to worship in a house that has been founded on the rock of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior . But it is also built on another rock, another foundation—and that rock is Bishop Arthur Brazier.In fortyeight years, he has built this congregation from just a few hundred to more than twenty thousand strong—a congregation that, because of his leadership, has braved the fierce winds and heavy rains of violence and poverty; joblessness and hopelessness. Because of his work and his ministry , there are more graduates and fewer gang members in the neighborhoods surrounding this church. There are more homes and fewer homeless. There is more community and less chaos because Bishop Brazier continued the march for justice that he began by Dr. King’s side all those years ago. He is the reason this house has stood tall for half a century. And on this Father’s Day, it must make him proud to know that the man now charged with keeping its foundation strong is his son and your new pastor, Reverend Byron Brazier . Of all the rocks upon which we build our lives, we are reminded today that family is the most important. And we are called to recognize and honor how critical every father is to that foundation . They are teachers and coaches . They are mentors and role models. They are examples of success and the men who constantly push us toward it.But if we are honest with ourselves, we’ll admit that what too many fathers also are is missing—missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men . And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it.You and I know how true this is in the African-American community. We know that more than half of all black children live in single-parent households , a number that has doubled—doubled—since we were children. We know the statistics—that children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out of schools; and twenty times more likely to end up in prison. They are more likely to have behavioral problems, or run away from home, or become teenage parents themselves. And the foundations of our community are weaker because of it.How many times in the last year has this city lost a child at the hands of another child? How many times have our hearts stopped in the middle of the night with the sound of a gunshot or a siren? How many teenagers have we seen hanging around on street corners when they should be sitting in a classroom? How many are sitting in prison when they should be working, or at least looking for a job? How many in this generation are we willing to lose to poverty or violence or addiction ? How many?08/81862


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